Macbeth of Edo
Olakunle Abimbola
Between the fictive Macbeth of William Shakespeare, and Edo Governor, Godwin Obaseki, there appears a rather interesting link, in legit and otherwise aspirations.
Macbeth, as Thane of Glamis, was a model Scottish subject-soldier. He quelled the fierce rebellion against his King, Duncan; and replaced the treacherous Thane of Cawdor, as royal reward for rare duty and bravery.
But his tragedy started when three witches, aided by a fourth: his own wife, the evil Lady Macbeth, goaded him to commit regicide, and supplant Duncan.
From that point, Macbeth zoomed to own doom: riled by insane suspicions, plagued by mass desertion-cum-defection, and consumed by extreme paranoia. Appears an eerie Macbeth frame, for Obaseki’s current bind, doesn’t it?
Not even the witches’ pithy fib, of the dual “impossibility” of a moving forest, and a man not born of woman humbling the embattled usurper, could save Macbeth.
In the final anti-Macbeth push, Birnam wood indeed “moved” to Dunsinane hill (a visual illusion of troops, carrying boughs, moving into combat positions). Of course, Macduff, that eventually slew Macbeth, was strictly “not born of woman”. He was delivered by caesarian surgery!
Well, this is no review of Shakespeare’s play, Macbeth. But it’s just amazing how much Obaseki, as governor, shares with this fictive tragic figure, in a play first performed in 1606.
Still, before the Obaseki-Macbeth parallel, how about first x-raying the present harsh political furnace chastening Adams Oshiomhole, Obaseki’s estranged godfather, now sworn to unhorsing a worthless godson, with all grassroots savvy at his disposal?
To start with, the Obaseki plague wouldn’t have arisen, had Oshiomhole not dealt two trusted allies a sleight of hand, on the former governor’s succession question.
Dr. Pius Odubu, loyal deputy for eight years, was shunted aside. So was Osagie Ize-Iyamu, director-general of Oshiomhole’s second-term run: the one to reinforce the growing sickly culture that deputies (to governors or presidents) are never good enough; the other to underscore the equally execrable culture of use-and-dump.
Obaseki, sole beneficiary of this cynical theory of political expendables, has become, for Oshiomhole, political migraine: spectacular, head-splitting and life-threatening.
Odubu rode out the storm, staying true to his Edo APC. But Ize-Iyamu stormed out to PDP, though he was there, in those foundation-building years, from Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), to All Progressives Congress (APC).
Sure, both Odubu and Ize-Iyamu are back in APC to unhorse Obaseki, the ultimate “ingrate”, now the PDP candidate. But that has consigned Oshiomhole to the ultimate political crucible, searing and grilling: going on the stump to swallow all the harsh things he said about Ize-Iyamu, and all the sweet things he said about Obaseki — tough luck!
But even from this grim purgatory, political redemption appears to beckon.
A chastened Oshiomhole cuts the picture of an ashen King David, after seizing Bathsheba, dispatching Uriah, her loyal soldier-husband, to the hottest part of battle to be slain, and earning the fiery ire of Jehovah.
Still, for his Obaseki bad judgment, an apology-mouthing Oshiomhole, either on his knees begging Onogies, or bantering with the hoi-polloi on the hustings, comes across as the ultimate grassroots politician; that takes to doting people in the streets as fish take to purring water in the pond! Besides, he cuts the quintessential loyal party man, even with a sweeping personal setback.
That somewhat cushions his hard crash, from boisterous chairman of a national ruling party, to an ordinary card-carrying member — a crash the Obaseki camp had throatily mocked, and hoped would cripple, if not outright smash, his street value.
Well, it hasn’t — and the Obaseki camp, framing own campaign as rabid Oshiomhole demonization, is ample proof. Yet, it is Ize-Iyamu, not Oshiomhole, on the ballot!
But if you still doubt the Oshiomhole grassroots rebound, just catch the panicky screech from Salihu Lukman. He yelps Oshiomhole might be “plotting” his way back as national chairman, just because he bosses the Edo local campaign! He may yet endure a long night of “severe pains” — to parody Ekiti loudmouth, Ayo Fayose!
Lukman may be the so-called director-general of the Progressive Governors Forum (PGF). But really, he is the unfazed face and growling voice of the intra-APC, anti-Oshimhole coven of political witches.
Political witches! That takes the discourse back to the Macbeth-Obaseki parallel.
The Edo electorate would decide who wins on September 19. But no matter the result, it’s almost safe to vouchsafe political witches may — nay, will — destroy Obaseki, just as the three witches destroyed Macbeth.
Much of Obaseki’s second term gambit appears propelled by bubbly promises of political witchery, than reasoned products of political rigour.
For starters, Obaseki’s subversion of the Edo legislature is the grievous democratic equivalent of Macbeth’s regicide. No one does that and lives happily ever after!
First, a wilful stonewall of 17 legislators, out of 24, split the Edo APC’s hard-earned electoral sweep. Then, by gifting the rival PDP those legislative “captives”, a defecting Obaseki added heinous institutional sabotage to despicable personal opportunism. Something, sooner or later, had to give!
Any wonder then, that the legislative majority called the governor’s bluff; and rattled his camp enough to goad them into wilful destroyers of the hallowed chamber, while posing as comical fixers, all in a dumb move to block legitimate majority access?
Outside Edo, Obaseki’s patron “witches”, like Macbeth’s three witches at the Scottish heath, thunder fire and brimstone. But what, when the chips are down, would they plead? That seven is greater than 24, in the legislative chamber? Or in court, that a governor, in a fit of gubernatorial outlawry, can pocket the legislature, more so in a presidential democracy, with its rigid separation of powers? Tough chore!
Indeed, from that early legislative cripple (though he little realized it), Obaseki hugged his political free-fall, probably to plumb in utter democratic ruin.
But that gambit, though a survivalist ploy, beams Obaseki’s horrible public persona: that savage desperation to go for broke; that penchant to viciously kick, bully and destroy; that fierce loyalty to no one but himself; that ever-ready Samson complex to crash everything on everyone, including himself, if he won’t have his way!
Obaseki, the private citizen, may sure have admirable traits. In office, his confederates hail him as a brilliant policy wonk, hence their support for his second term.
But the fair and abiding image, of Obaseki’s tenure so far, is the governor as graceless brute. This polity deserves much better.
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